【新唐人2013年04月17日訊】前中共總書記胡耀邦逝世24週年，中共高調報導，被外界看作有可能是「平反六四」的前兆。不過，與胡耀邦捆綁出現的「六四」問題，以及因為同情學生而下臺的中共前總書記趙紫陽，中共卻都避而不談。有學者認為，如果以此推斷中共當局會平反六四，未免太過一廂情願。
4月15號，中共各大媒體由原來的悄然無聲，突然改變為大張旗鼓的高調紀念胡耀邦逝世24週年，同時以胡耀邦倡導民主與開放為噱頭，發表文章猛唱讚歌。
於是外界開始猜測，中共當局是否有意平反「六四」。
「六四」學生領袖鄭存柱表示，平反六四有助於中國和平的轉型，但這只是個遙不可及的願望，實現的機會太渺小。
「六四」學生領袖鄭存柱：「當年的決策者，像李鵬、或當年的受益人像江澤民，他們雖然已經退休了，但是他們在中國的政治環境裡面，他們還是有他們的影響力在，所以我想平反六四的可能性不會太大。」
1989年，主張溫和處理「六四事件」的時任中共總書記趙紫陽，因為反對武力鎮壓，招來鄧小平、李鵬等人的強烈不滿。隨後的中共黨內會議，趙紫陽被撤銷了一切職務，並遭到長達15年的軟禁，直到2005年1月逝世。迄今還揹著「支持動亂」和「分裂黨」的罪名，連骨灰安放問題也未解決。
而曾經對趙紫陽極為恭敬的時任上海市委書記江澤民，卻因為積極支持鎮壓六四的政策，被扶持為接替趙紫陽的新一任中共總書記，成為六四事件的最大受益者。
在英國前首相撒切爾夫人逝世後，央視在回顧中英簽署聯合聲明的報導中，也刻意屏蔽了作為中方代表的趙紫陽。
中共喉舌媒體新華網、人民網、《解放日報》、《中國新聞週刊》等，雖然先後以組圖或長文表達對胡耀邦的紀念之意，但面對與胡耀邦捆綁出現的「六四」問題，包括趙紫陽三個字，都避而不談。
趙紫陽智囊姚監復表示，六四平反只是一個美麗的幻想，永遠不可能實現。
趙紫陽智囊姚監復：「現在的領導人，因為他們是六四以後上臺的，江澤民和他的接班人，你要給六四平反，就等於要他們承認上臺是非法的，是政變以後上臺的，和政變上臺領導人的繼承人，所以不可能給六四平反。」
曾經擔任陝西電視臺編輯工作的馬曉明，因為參與了八九年的示威活動，被免去職務。馬曉明始終反對提出「平反六四」的口號，他認為，屠殺人民的劊子手，無權對受害的人民進行平反，它只能得到人民和歷史的審判。
另外，有香港媒體分析，胡耀邦、趙紫陽是中共的開明派、改革派，儘管他們在任時推動改革開放，但始終未觸及放棄中共一黨專政的核心問題，目的只在於加強和改善中共的領導地位。
採訪/陳漢 編輯/黃億美 後製/郭敬
It is difficult for Chinese regime to vindicate June 4
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) provided high-profile
reports for the 24th anniversary of the death of Hu Yaobang, a former Party leader.
Observers thought that these reports might’ve been the
precursor to the vindication of the June 4 incident (6/4).
However, Hu Yaobang was tied to the June 4 incident,
and Zhao Ziyang was forced to step down for being a 6/4 sympathizer, but the CCP has evaded these issues.
Therefore, some scholars conclude that vindication of 6/4
is only wishful thinking.
On April 15, the silent CCP’s major media suddenly published
high-profile articles to commemorate the death of Hu Yaobang.
At the same time, they praised Hu for advocating democracy.
So, the outside world began to speculate whether
the authorities intend to vindicate 6/4.
6/4 student leader Cheng Cunzhu believes that vindication
of June 4 will be helpful for China’s peaceful transition.
Yet, this is such a distant dream that
its becoming a reality is too insignificant.
Zheng Cunzhu: “The decision-makers in 1989,
such as Li Peng, and Jiang Zemin, are still alive.
Although they have retired, they are quite influential
inside China’s political environment.
So, I think the possibility of vindication of 6/4 is very slim.”
In 1989, the CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang opposed
the crackdown of 6/4 incident, causing strong resentment from Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng.
Zhao was removed from all his posts and was put under
house arrest for 15 years, until his death in January 2005.
Zhao was accused of supporting unrest
and splitting the party.
Where to place Zhao’s ashes is still
an unresolved issue.
Jiang Zemin, the Shanghai Party Secretary in 1989,
was the biggest beneficiary of the June 4th incident.
Jiang was once quite respectful to Zhao, but his strong
support of the student crackdown made him Zhao’s successor.
After the death of Margaret Thatcher, the former British Prime
Minister, the CCTV reported a Sino-British Joint Statement.
It had been signed by Thatcher and Zhao Ziyang,
but Zhao’s name was deliberately shielded.
The CCP’s mouthpiece media Xinhua, People’s Daily,
Liberation Daily, and China News Weekly all published articles with photos to commemorate Hu Yaobang.
However, words like 6/4 and Zhao Ziyang were avoided.
Yao Jianfu, Zhao Ziyang’s think tank, believes that vindication
of 6/4 is only a beautiful dream, which will never become reality.
Yao Jianfu: “Today’s leaders took office after 6/4.
Vindication of 6/4 is tantamount to admitting their power
being illegal, their power coming from a political coup.
They were heirs after a political coup,
so it is impossible for them to vindicate 6/4.”
Ma Xiaoming, the former Shaanxi TV editor, was dismissed
from his post for taking part in 1989 protesting activities.
Ma has consistently opposed talk of 6/4 vindication.
Ma believes that the executioners of the people have no right
to redress 6/4, and they can only be judged by the people and history.
According to the Hong Kong media analysis, leaders like
Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were the CCP’s liberal reformists.
Even though they promoted reform and opening up while
in office, they did not touch or abandon the core issue—the CCP’s one-party dictatorship.
Their goal was to strengthen and improve the
leadership position of the CCP.
