【新唐人2013年05月20日訊】新一屆中共中央的政治與經濟路線，可能在十八屆三中全會上提出。三中全會預計在今年的下半年召開。據透露，中共高層正在起草七大領域的改革方案，將提交十八屆三中全會審議，通過後，將在明年初開始在多個層面展開。不過，外界注意到，這次七大改革並沒有涉及國有企業改革，也沒有跡象顯示，中共高層將啟動政治體制改革。
據報導，中共中央已成立7個獨立小組，起草涵蓋金融部門、財政體系、土地使用權、生產要素價格、簡化行政審批程序、社會收入不公，與戶籍制度等領域的改革方案。而中共總書記習近平親自主持統籌。
習近平「十八大」接班後，多次強調「黨管經濟」。他在首度南巡時，在廣州召開經濟座談會；4月25號，中央政治局常委會也開會，專題研究經濟工作。
報導指稱，七大改革方案，主要是想從日益令人憂慮的貪腐、過度投資及地方債務的風險中，企圖獲得生機。政論家伍凡表示，目前，中國社會矛盾太多，當局就想用些許的改革來紓解矛盾。
香港《明報》報導，國家統計局原副局長賀鏗認為，目前當務之急是收入分配和財政體系改革。他指出，中國收入不公位處世界前列，不僅引起內需不足，而且引起許多社會矛盾，前年全國人大曾就此進行調研和建議，國務院去年也提出過改革方案，但，賀鏗說，收入不公牽涉許多利益集團，改革需有魄力，才可突破利益格局。
政論家伍凡：「那麼，你的改革要涉及到多方面的利益，改革經濟、改革工資，或者改革就業，改革發展模式，都牽涉到很多人的利益，牽涉到很多官員的利益，他們都願意放棄嗎﹖他不願意放棄！」
《關於深化收入分配制度改革的若干意見》在今年2月發佈，但具體政策卻有待制定。
政論家伍凡：「金融本身，你把錢都貸給那些大財團、大公司，而真正需要錢的那些民營小企業你不給他。你越不借給這些能夠創造財富，能夠創造就業率的這些中小型企業，他們就去找地下錢莊去找錢，你又去打壓地下錢莊，你這個金融政策和金融系統，完全走到了為大財團服務。這個問題不解決，所有的經濟改革都是空的。」
在簡化行政審批程序的改革方面，國務院已取消和下放117項行政審批項目，包括把部分電力、煤礦和油氣管項目，交由地方核准。
政論家伍凡：「中央把幾百條的審批權，一點點的往下放，放到省的一級以後，省一級的批權還是在官員裡頭，即便放到縣一級，還是在共產黨的官員手上。他們的審批權首先考慮的是共產黨政權的利益，共產黨官員的利益，而老百姓又沒有發言權，又不能跟你爭那個權。所以它的改革，都是表面文章，最後不了了之，改不動！」
外界注意到，這次改革沒有涉及國有企業改革。另外，沒有跡象顯示中共高層將啟動政治體制改革。《美國之音》引述分析人士的意見說，這可能是由於龐大利益集團的抵制，而高層未能形成政治共識。
政論家伍凡：「如果沒有政治改革的配合的話，幾乎是沒有多大效果！因為現在中國的社會，最大的瓶頸就是老百姓不相信共產黨，共產黨所做的任何事情沒有公信力，並且沒有老百姓參與，老百姓沒有任何一個發言權、討論權，更沒有決策權。那麼，人家也不會跟你配合，所以你的改革，根本沒有辦法往前推進。」
「中央財經領導小組」是中共最高財經決策部門，而「中央財經領導小組辦公室」簡稱「中財辦」，是財經領導小組的辦事機構，屬於黨務系統。「中財辦」主任劉鶴被視為習近平的「財經文膽」，這次七大領域的改革方案，由劉鶴領銜起草工作。
採訪/常春 編輯/周平 後製/陳建銘
Seven New Reforms Exclude China’s Political System and State Owned Enterprises
At the 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee, new
economic and political lines are likely to be announced.
The assembly is scheduled to be
held in the latter half of 2013.
Reportedly, the drafting of central reform
plans are under way, involving seven areas.
The scheme will be presented to the
3rd Plenary Session for approval.
If passed, the plans will be launched early in 2014.
Political observers indicate that the seven reforms
plan does not cover state-owned enterprises (SOE).
There are no signs that the CCP top leadership
is planning to reform the political system.
Reportedly, the CCP Central Committee has
set up seven independent steering panels.
These leading groups take the lead in
drafting reform schemes, for seven areas.
These include the financial sector, fiscal system,
land use rights, pricing of factors of production,
simplification of administrative approval procedures,
income injustice, and household registration system.
CCP leader Xi Jinping is reported to have taken the helm.
After assuming office, Xi has repeatedly
emphasized CCP control over the economy.
In his first southern tour in Guangzhou,
he held an economic forum.
In April, the CCP Politburo Standing Committee
members were convened to discuss economy.
Media reviewed that these seven reform plans aim
to get out of the current difficulty, to revitalize China.
The current plight includes growing corruption,
excessive investment, and risks from local debts.
Critic Wu Fan has remarked that China
has by far been riddled with social conflicts.
It thus drove the CCP authorities to initiate reforms.
Hong Kong’s Ming Pao newspaper quoted He Keng,
former deputy chief of China’s State Statistics Bureau.
He said that the current priority is the reform
of income distribution, and the financial system.
He stated that China’s income inequality has
been ranked at being at the forefront globally.
The problem has caused insufficient domestic
demand, and triggered massive social conflicts.
In 2011, China’s National People’s Congress conducted
surveys and presented suggestions on this issue.
In 2012, the State Council put forth a relevant reform plan.
However, He Keng indicated that income
inequality has involved many interest groups.
Courage and resolution is needed in carrying out the reforms.
This can help break through restrictions
put in place by interest groups.
Wu Fan, critic: “The CCP’s reform will
involve a wide range of interest groups.
The reforms involve the economy, salaries,
employment, or modes of economic development.
This will affect interests of lots of people, including officials.
Will they be willing to give up their interests? They won’t!”
In February, the CCP authorities issued an official opinion
on the deeper reformation of the income distribution system.
However, concrete policies are yet to be offered.
Wu Fan: “Financially, the state banks have always
provided loans to consortia and large SOEs.
They have rejected lending to those in-need
private enterprises which would really make wealth, and boost employment.
The bank rejection has forced the private
enterprises to repeatedly seek underground loans.
Furthermore, the authorities
combat these underground banks.
As a result, China’s financial policies and system
have fully played a role that serve the consortia.
If this problem can’t be solved, all
other economic reforms are fake.”
In simplifying the administrative approval procedures,
the State Council has cancelled and decentralized
administrative approval to local authorities on 117 projects.
These include some projects on electricity,
coal mines, as well as oil and gas pipelines.
Wu Fan: “These approval powers will be decentralized
from the central authorities to the provincial level.
But even it is passed down to the county
level, it is still in the hands of CCP officials.
For them, the first thing to consider for any approval
is to ensure the interests of the CCP, and its officials.
Chinese civilians have no right of speech,
nor can they fight over power with the CCP.
So after all, its reforms are just surface formalities and
come to nothing, for it can’t actually change anything.”
Political observers have reviewed that this
reform plan does not cover the reform of SOE’s.
Besides, there are no signs that CCP top leaders
have prepared to reform the political system.
Voice of America quoted some analysts.
It said that this may be due to a boycott from
large interest groups, whilst CCP top levels
haven’t yet reached a political consensus.
Wu Fan: “Without a synchronization of political
reform, these reforms will produce little result.
Currently, the biggest bottleneck in
China is the public’s distrust of the CCP.
It has lost credibility in everything it undertakes,
and no ordinary people are willing to participate.
The masses have no right of speech, nor discussion,
and neither do they have decision-making powers.
So its reform won’t be truly followed
in the implementation process.”
The central financial steering panel is the top CCP
authorities with financial decision-making policies.
The steering panel’s office is an intra-Party organ.
Liu He, the office director, has been
referred to as Xi Jinping’s speechwriter.
Liu is reportedly heading the
drafting of seven-area reform plans.
