【新唐人2012年6月23日訊】趙紫陽在軟禁中的晚年，對中國問題以及中共執政的合法性進行了反思，他站到全民族、全中國的角度去認識問題。他認為，現代化國家必須實行議會民主政治，趙紫陽認定胡錦濤、溫家寶這兩位中共領導人，很難在中國的改革中成就大事業。學者認為，做到中共最高層，如果沒有魄力打破專制的局面，那麼就會不可避免的接著做壞事，面臨的是未來的清算。
趙紫陽在1980年到1989年期間曾經先後擔任總理和中共總書記。1989年趙紫陽由於反對武力鎮壓中國天安門民主運動而被罷黜，之後一直被軟禁到2005年去世為止。
原中共「中央農村政策研究室」研究員姚監復，曾經在2004年先後兩次探訪趙紫陽，了解了趙紫陽晚年的思想。
姚監復表示，生命後期的趙紫陽經過反思後，已經跳出中共原來的「四個堅持」，站到全民族、全中國的角度思考如何解決中國問題。他明確指出：中國必須實行議會民主政治。
對於胡錦濤、溫家寶這兩位中國領導人，趙紫陽認定他們倆是好人，但不可能大有作為。趙紫陽為甚麼這麼說呢﹖姚監復問過趙紫陽這個問題，而趙紫陽回答說，因為「他是我們培養的人。」
原中共「中央農村政策研究室」研究員姚監復：「你必須要認識到這一點才能改，否則你不敢拋棄一黨專政這個思想就難以真正改革。到現在為止，我覺得他們沒有達到趙紫陽去世以前的思想高度，也沒有兌現1940年，40年代毛澤東向全國承諾的諾言。」
這裡所說的毛澤東承諾的諾言就是：「政治改革必須廢除一個黨、一個主義、一個領袖、一個黨軍的法西斯獨裁政治制度。」
姚監復指出，中共領導人是這個制度培養的，所以這個專制制度決定了他們必須抱著「炸彈」擊鼓傳花，只要不在我這一屆垮了就完了。這其中有認識上的原因，也有魄力的原因，姚監復說：「他們是悲劇制度下悲劇性的人物」。
不過，《北京之春》雜誌主編胡平認為，擔任中共最高層，如果沒有魄力打破這個局面、去做大好事的話，那麼就會不可避免的接著做壞事。
胡平：「 他們一旦登上那個位置，那就是必然造成這種不做好事就要做壞事。胡錦濤１０年來，我們看看他做了很多壞事，他對六四沒有平反，對法輪功也沒有平反。其實這兩件事他都不是直接責任，他要是做並不是完全不可能，但是他沒有這麼做，結果到頭來他就不得不在所謂維穩的這個道路上越走越遠。」
不過，「山東大學」退休教授孫文廣認為，目前看來，胡溫錯失了利用「薄熙來事件」推進改革和否定江澤民的那套路線的最佳時機。但是，在他們主政的10年中，政法委書記周永康做了很多違法的事情，多次重大鎮壓民眾的和平示威和宗教信仰民眾，致死很多人。胡溫做為最高領導，需要對這些事情表態。
孫文廣：「 將來人們是要在歷史的審判當中會審判一些人，比如江澤民是一定要審判他，鄧小平就六四事件也要審判他。那麼，胡錦濤在這10年裡面你對大事情不改正，而且繼續鎮壓，那也是一種要追究罪責的問題啦。」
但是，胡平指出，胡溫想做事「也很難」。因為整個中共統治集團成了一個「黑幫」、成了一個「黑社會」，你要是在裡邊改革，首先面臨的就是這個黑幫強烈的反對。所以中國的政治改革需要依靠社會、民間的力量。
趙紫陽在《改革歷程》一書中講到，中國最終要過渡到議會民主政治，首先是開放黨禁、報禁，更重要的是司法獨立，還有軍隊的國家化。
採訪/秦雪 編輯/宋風 後製/周天
Zhao’s Last Years: Hu-Wen Incompetent To Do Great Things
In his last years under house arrest, Zhao Ziyang
reflected on China’s problems.
He also looked at the ruling legitimacy
of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
He viewed these issues from a perspective
of all people and the whole country.
Zhao believed that a modern state must
implement parliamentary democracy.
He identified that Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao,
are hard to do great things in China’s reform.
Scholars think that, when reaching the top CCP echelons,
if they have courage to break the authoritarian situation,
they will inevitably continue to do bad things.
They will face liquidation in future.
From 1980 to 1989, Zhao served as prime minister
and CCP General Secretary.
In 1989, Zhao was ousted after opposing the use
of military force to suppress the Tiananmen Square democracy movement.
He remained under house arrest until his death in 2005.
Yao Jianfu, former researcher of the CCP Central Rural
Policy Research Office visited Zhao twice in 2004.
He understood Zhao’s thinking in his later years.
Yao said that Zhao had stepped out of CCP’s “four cardinal
principles”, during his reflections in the last years of his life.
He thought about how to deal with China’s problems from
the point of the whole people and the whole country.
He clearly pointed out that China must
implement parliamentary democracy.
As Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, the two Chinese leaders,
Zhao identified that they two are good persons.
However, it’s impossible for them to accomplish great things.
Why did Zhao say this? Yao asked Zhao this question.
Zhao answered, “they are the persons we brought up.”
Yao Jianfu: “You must realize this
before you are able to change.
Otherwise you dare not abandon the idea of one-party
dictatorship. It would be difficult to conduct real reform.
So far, I think they have not reached the height
of Zhao’s thought prior to his death.
Neither have they fulfilled Mao Zedong’s
commitment to the nation in 1940.”
Mao’s commitment was that “Conducting political reform
must abolish the fascist dictatorship political system
of one party, one doctrine, one leader and one party-military.”
Yao pointed out that CCP leaders
are cultivated by the CCP system.
Therefore, this authoritarian system determines that they
must embrace a “bomb” to pass to the next.
‘As long as it doesn’t collapse in my term, it’s OK.’
It includes factors of understanding and courage as well.
Yao said: “They are tragic persons in the tragic system.”
However, Hu Ping, editor of “Beijing Spring" magazine,
said that, as top CCP leaders,
if they have no courage to break the situation to do
very good things, they will inevitably do bad things.
Hu Ping: “Once they reach that position, they are bound
to do either good things or bad things.
Over the past 10 years, we have seen Hu
has done a lot of bad things.
He has not conducted vindication of the Tiananmen
Square incident, nor of Falun Gong.
In fact, with these two things, he is not directly responsible,
so it is not completely impossible if he wants to.
But he doesn’t. Consequently, he has to go further and
further on the path of so-called maintenance of stability.”
However, Sun Wenguang, a retired professor
at Shandong University commented.
So far, Hu and Wen have missed the best time to make use
of the Bo Xilai incident to carry out reform, denying the route of Jiang Zemin.
In their rule of 10 years, Zhou Yongkang, secretary
of the CCP Politics and Law committee, did a lot of illegal things,
heavily suppressing peaceful public demonstrations,
and religious believers several times, with many deaths.
As the top leaders, Hu and Wen need
to show their attitude to these things.
Sun Wenguang: “In the future, the people will judge
some persons in the judgment of history.
This includes Jiang Zemin, and he is sure to be sentenced;
Deng Xiaoping will also be sentenced because of the Tiananmen Square Incident.
If Hu has not corrected the big things during the past
10 years, and continue to suppress people, it is also an issue that will be investigated.”
Hu Ping pointed out that it is very difficult even
if Hu and Wen want to do some things.
This is because the entire CCP ruling system
has formed a “gang” and a “triad”.
If you want to reform within it, the first thing you will face
is the strong opposition from this gang.
So China’s political reform needs to rely on
the strength of the society, the people.
Zhao mentioned in the book “The Reform Process”
that China will eventually transfer to democracy.
The first step is to lift the party
restriction on newspapers.
More importantly, it requires an independent judiciary
and the nationalization of the army.