【新唐人2013年05月04日訊】有香港雜誌透露，中共當局近期新設置了五大核心決策工作領導小組。其中，在「十八大」上被擠出常委的李源潮兼任多職，扮演重要角色，而有江澤民背景的劉雲山，俞正聲和張高麗都沒有份。外界認為，中共新總書記習近平設置5大決策組，是為了繞開江澤民在「十八大」時塞進的常委勢力，而在具體做事中「架空江系」。
5月號的香港《開放》雜誌透露，3月18號，在中共中央政治局第十九次會議上，宣佈了「重大政策領導小組」，和「非常時期領導小組」、「外交反恐安全領導小組」、「經濟工作領導小組」，以及「軍事領導小組」成員，及成員的職能和職責。
5大核心班子中，中共國家主席習近平擔任4個小組組長，總理李克強擔任經濟領導小組組長及4個小組副組長，新任國家副主席李源潮擔任了其中4個班子的副組長，和3個組的辦公室主任。
時政評論家 藍述：「這次李源潮在5個中央領導小組，擔任其中4個領導小組的副組長，基本可以看出來，江繫在政治局裏面的這些勢力，基本上沒有被安排進中共最高的具體掌控事務的，在政治局常委之上的，處理具體事務方面，它的這個實權被架空了。俞正聲和劉雲山在5個領導小組都沒有出現。」
時政評論家藍述還指出，在「十八大」時入常的張高麗，張德江，俞正聲、劉雲山都是江系人馬，這5個領導小組中，連中共的筆桿子劉雲山都沒能進去，說明江澤民在現有的中共班子中，影響極其微小。
李源潮曾經跟習近平搭檔多年，而且都是直接配合習近平的工作。習近平擔任中央黨校校長的時候，李源潮是中央黨校副校長，習近平在中共中央書記處主持工作的時候，李源潮是中共中央組織部的部長。
紐約城市大學政治學教授 夏明：「在習近平作為國家主席和總書記，還有中央軍委三個職位同時兼以後，習近平基本上是把職位權力往國家主席這方面靠，他周圍幾個重要人物都是重量級的，他們的職位基本都是黨內的政治局委員，可他們行使非常大權力，地位也非常高，在輔佐習近平。 」
據香港《大公網》報導，目前中共「中辦」、「國辦」主力大調整，換上了習、李人馬。另外5月2號，在前任中華全國總工會主席倪志福火化的葬禮中，江澤民和胡錦濤排在現任的7常委之後。
北京時政觀察人士華頗表示，「十六大」時，江澤民在胡、溫班底中，大肆安插自己的人馬，最終導致地方權力做大，中央顯得薄弱，這次換屆中，胡錦濤的「裸退」給習近平幫了大忙。
不過華頗指出，習、李上臺後所面臨的局面非常危險，人民的忍耐力已經到了極限，民眾對他們已經極度不信任。華頗說，汶川地震時胡、溫還可以做秀，這次盧山地震就截然不同，給中共表演的空間非常小。
華頗認為，由於習、李不願放棄共產黨，目前為了壓制民怨，走上了左派的做法。
華頗：「我覺得習、李呀，看中的是左派的一些做法，文革的一些做法。起碼呢，他覺得這些做法能夠立竿見影，但是我覺得這些也很難，比如說這個領導幹部財產公開，而且還有這個退休後養老制度的雙軌制，我想遇到這些關鍵問題能不能落實﹖關鍵還得看習、李的整黨結果吧﹗」
華頗還表示，習近平上臺後，為了收攬民心，採取了一系列措施，但來自利益集團和地方政府的阻力非常大。
採訪編輯/劉惠 後製/李若琳
Five Central Groups Overriding Politburo Standing Committee
Hong Kong’s media have disclosed that the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) authorities have recently
set up five central decision-making groups.
Li Yuanchao, squeezed out of the Politburo
Standing Committee at the 18th CCP Congress,
has now filled crucial positions
in these newly established groups.
Liu Yunshan, Yu Zhengsheng and Zhang Gaoli, members
of the Jiang faction are all inaccessible to the groups.
Political observers say that Xi Jinping has used the
five central groups to bypass Jiang’s politburo associates,
and to deprive Jiang’s faction of any authority.
According to the May issue of Hong Kong’s Open magazine,
the CCP politburo held the 19th session on March 18.
It declared that it had set up five core steering groups.
The central groups and their members will
take charge in major policy,
diplomacy and counter-terrorism security,
economy, military, and leadership in unusual times.
CCP leader Xi Jinping heads four of the five groups.
CCP premier Li Keqiang chairs the economic leading group
and acts as Xi’s deputy in the other four groups.
Li Yuanchao, the new vice president, holds posts of deputy
in four groups and acts as office director in three groups.
(Critic) Lan Shu: “Li Yuanchao takes four vice seats
in four central steering groups.
That indicates that Jiang’s politburo associates
have been deprived of their real power.
Neither Yu Zhengsheng or Liu Yunshan have
taken any seat in these groups.”
Lan Shu says that several newly selected
politburo members are all Jiang’s followers.
They include Zhang Gaoli, Zhang Dejiang,
Yu Zhengsheng and Liu Yunshan.
Even Liu Yunshan, CCP propaganda czar,
couldn’t get into the five central leading groups.
This shows that Jiang’s faction has very little
influence on the incumbent CCP core leadership.
Li Yuanchao is a long-term work partner of Xi Jinping.
When Xi was the president of CCP Central Party School,
Li acted as his deputy.
During Xi’s tenure as Secretary of the CCP Central Committee,
Li was head of the CCP Organization Department.
(Professor, the City University of New York) Xia Ming:
“Since Xi assumed the office of state president,
CCP general secretary and Central Military Commission chief,
he has leaned to play the role of state president.
Around Xi are several heavyweights who are
all politburo members.
As high-ranking officials, they hold real power and assist Xi.”
Hong Kong’s Takungpao reported on the management
reshuffle in the General Offices of the Central Committee and of the State Council.
Associates of Xi Jinping and Li Yuanchao reportedly
took over executive positions.
On May 2, At the funeral for the cremation of Ni Zhifu,
former Chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions,
Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao were listed after
the top-seven Politburo leaders.
Beijing Politics observer, Hua Po, comments.
At the 16th CCP Congress, Jiang Zemin placed many of his
underlings in the cabinet of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao.
That gave rise to a power expansion of CCP local authorities,
whilst it weakened the CCP’s central authority.
Hua Po says that Hu Jintao’s complete retirement
from all posts has helped Xi a lot.
Hua Po adds that the situation facing Xi and Li
is indeed daunting.
The masses’ tolerance has reached its limit,
along with their thorough distrust of these two.
Hua Po remarks that in dealing with the Wenchuan earthquake,
Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao could still make a show.
Yet for the recent Lushan quake, there is no room
left for the CCP to perform, he says.
Xi and Li are reluctant to give up the CCP, Hua Po remarks.
In order to hold down the swell of popular grievances,
they have to take a leftist approach.
Hua Po: “In my view, Xi and Li have adopted leftist practices,
which were used in the Cultural Revolution.
They might think that these techniques, at least, can
produce instant results, but I think it unlikely they will work.
Can they really put into effect those key issues, such as
implementing the declaration of all assets owned by public officials,
and the rolling out of a dual pension system?
I think that depends on the final outcome of
Xi-Li’s planned ideological rectification of the Party.”
Hua Po indicates that, since taking office,
Xi Jinping has initiated a series of measures, to try and gain popular support.
However, he has still met with heavy resistance
from CCP privileged groups and local authorities.