【新唐人2015年01月22日訊】最近有香港媒體披露，現任中共政治局常委劉雲山，能從劣跡斑斑的宣傳部部長晉升十八大常委大位，與前黨魁江澤民的大力運作有關，兩人之間達成了一個「兩不要」的秘密協議，而且，時至今日，劉雲山仍然屢有攪局習近平之舉。
據香港《爭鳴》雜誌2015年1月號報導，劉雲山之所以能夠成為一匹黑馬，進入十八大常委，全靠江澤民的大力提拔，但江澤民提拔劉雲山是有附帶條件的，江澤民明確要求劉雲山「兩個不要」，就是「不要報導黨內任何不一致的觀點，即所謂的噪音，也不要報導任何社會上的負面現象。」
《爭鳴》報導說，這句話其實早在美國投資家庫恩，撰寫的《江澤民傳記》裡面就有記載。
據了解，美國人庫恩是劉雲山引薦給江澤民的。此前有海外媒體指出，庫恩撰寫的那本吹捧江澤民的英文傳記，正是劉雲山「努力的成果」。
《爭鳴》還說，2002年10月，中共十六大即將舉行，江澤民在會議進行前半個月，勒令有鄧小平家族背景的中宣部部長丁關根去位，讓時任常務副部長兼中央文明委下設辦公室主任的劉雲山接任。劉雲山從此「投入」了江澤民的「懷抱」。而在習近平尚未正式接班之時，習近平也不敢在十八大舉行前欽點中宣部部長。「圈子文化」再次在宣傳系統權力傳遞中，發揮了看不見的作用。
報導引述港媒消息指出，在十八大中央委員選舉中，習近平得票最高，「全票當選」，李克強比習少一票。掌管意識形態的劉雲山，得票數在七名常委中最低，連未能入常的汪洋，也比他多，這證明中共黨內選舉完全是自欺欺人的把戲。
中國問題獨立評論員李善鑒：「江和劉雲山之間存在的這種祕密的協議，這個事情一點都不奇怪的。劉雲山作為江努力推到檯面上，幫助他繼續掌控中共宣傳機器的這麼一個人物，其實整個這個事情一直是很明確的。」
《爭鳴》1月號還披露，來自中紀委方面的消息稱，在違反中共黨內保密紀律方面，劉雲山已被記錄在案。習近平十八大後廢除了重大事項向退休常委通報的慣例，並列為「紀律」要求各常委遵循，但劉雲山仍以「家臣」身份，通過「不正常途徑」向江澤民通報，並先後向蘇榮、徐才厚、周永康等，私下傳遞了調查程序裡所涉及的重點問題。
李善鑒：「過去高官下馬之前，無論是薄熙來、周永康啊等等，他都是用這些方式，先在國外的媒體上（發文章），然後在國內的媒體上說謠言啊，通過這些方式，實際上他在做一種輿論的鋪墊，我們其實可以比較細心的預測，習跟江派的攤牌已經是迫在眉睫了。」
報導透露，習近平去年1月在中紀委三中全會上曾痛斥「圈子文化」，更稱「幹部不是哪個人的家臣」。這個講話被黨內人士稱為習近平「罵閒街」。與習近平核心智囊班子有密切關係的北京消息人士爆料稱，原本習近平是想讓「罵閒街」在去年初就公開，但劉雲山藉口江澤民「兩個不要」的頭一條，「豁出位子」死命抵制習近平。
報導點明，習近平的「家臣論」，就是在敲打劉雲山向其主子江澤民透露重要訊息。
時事評論員陳明慧：「現在兩個人是暗中在使勁在發力。不光是劉，包括他以前的黨羽像趙本山，現在大陸媒體也在封殺他，圍剿他。我覺得從1月3號江登東山嶺，到現在（爆出）劉雲山事件，說明他們已經到了一個白熱化。至於下一步是否會有大的動作，甚至不停地放風，年會有比周更大的老虎落網，比周更大的，那肯定是現任的常委，或者說是曾啊江家的那些人。」
據了解，截止到去年12月31號，包括《新華社》《人民日報社》和中共文化部在內的三大喉舌機構「掌門人」，已經全部被更換。
不過，習近平在1月13號的中紀委第十八屆五中全會上直言，反腐還沒有取得「壓倒性勝利」。時事評論員邢天行指出，這次講話和之前的反腐「上不封頂」講話，都表明瞭，習近平已經把矛頭直接指向江澤民。
採訪/陳漢 編輯/陳潔 後製/李智遠
Secret Conditions for Liu Yunshan’s Promotion By Jiang Zemin
Recently, Hong Kong media revealed that the promotion of Liu Yunshan from the ministry of Public Relations Department with a poor track record is linked to exploits by former party chief Jiang Zemin. Liu was promoted to a member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Politburo Standing Committee at the 18th National Congress of CCP Liu was said to have entered into a secret “Two No’s" agreement with Jiang and up to this present day, Liu Yunshan continues to sabotage Xi Jinping’s operations.
According to a report from Hong Kong magazine “Chengming" published in January 2015, Liu Yunshan’s entrance into the Eighteenth Politburo Standing Committee as a dark horse was brought about by Jiang Zemin’s vigorous promotion. But Jiang’s promotion of Liu Yunshan came with conditions. Jiang explicitly required “Two No’s" from Liu Yunshan. First, Liu must not “report any inconsistent viewpoints within the party, which are so-called ‘noises'". Secondly, Liu must not report on any negative social phenomena.
According to the report from “Chengming", these two conditions were already mentioned long ago in “The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin" written by U.S. investor Robert Lawrence Kuhn.
According to understandings, Kuhn was recommended to Jiang Zemin by Liu Yunshan. Foreign media have pointed out previously that the biography written by Kuhn which touted Jiang Zemin was Liu Yunshan’s “fruit of labour".
Magazine “Chengming" also said that two weeks before the 16th CCP National Congress in October 2002, Jiang Zemin ordered the removal of then head of Central Propaganda Department, Minister Ding Guangen. Ding had a family background from Deng Xiaoping’s clan. The post was instead taken over by Liu Yunshan who was then acting as the deputy to Ding Guangen and Chairman of the CPC Central Guidance Commission for Building Spiritual Civilisation. This move brought Liu Yunshan into Jiang Zemin’s embrace. It could not be undone by Xi Jinping who abstained from appointing the head of Central Propaganda Department before he officially took over the party leadership during the 18th Congress. As can be seen, the clique culture had a strong but invisible influence on the passing of power in the propaganda system.
The report cited news from Hong Kong media that during the voting for the eighteenth CCP Politburo Standing Committee, Xi Jinping received the highest vote and was “unanimously elected". Li Keqiang had one less vote than Xi. Liu Yunshan who was in control of ideology received the least votes among the 7 Politburo Standing Committee members. Even Wangyang, who was unable to enter the Politburo Standing Committee, had more votes than Liu. This shows that the internal party election is entirely a show of self-deceit.
Chinese independent commentator Li Shan Kam: It is not surprising that there is a secret agreement between Jiang and Liu Yunshan. Jiang actively sought to push Liu Yunshan to the table to help him maintain his control over the CCP propaganda machine. Actually, this whole thing has been very clear.
According to the January edition of Chengming, there were news from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection that Liu Yunshan had discipline records for breaching rules of internal party confidentiality. After the 18th National Congress, Xi Jinping abolished the customary practice of reporting major events and happenings to retired Politburo Standing Committee members. Instead, rules of confidentiality were established as part of party discipline. However, Liu Yunshan continued to report to Jiang Zemin via “unorthodox means" in his capacity as Jiang’s vassal. He has also secretly passed information of important issues and protocols of anti-corruption investigations to Su Rong, Xu Caihou, Zhou Yongkang and other targets of Xi’s anti-corruption campaign.
Li Shan Kam: In the past, when a high ranking official was about to fall, whether he is Bo Xilai, Zhou Yongkang or others, Liu Yunshan always adopted certain tactics. He will spread rumors using both foreign and domestic media to direct public opinion. We can predict now, with care, that the showdown between Xi’s faction and Jiang’s faction is about to begin.
The report also mentioned that Xi Jinping once made a harsh criticism over the “clique culture" at the 3rd plenary session of the Discipline Inspection Commission in January last year. He also stated: party cadres should not become other people’s vassals. Party insiders call this speech by Xi Jinping as “scolding the streets". Informants who have close connections with the core members of Xi Jinping’s think tank revealed that Xi Jinping originally wanted his “speech" to be released to the public in the beginning of last year. But as Liu Yunshan was bound by Jiang Zemin’s “two no’s", he resisted Xi Jinping at great expense.
The report explained that the “vassal theory" articulated by Xi was directly targeted at Liu Yushan who repeatedly leaked important information to his master Jiang Zemin.
Current affairs commentator Chen Minghui: Right now, the two of them are secretly making use of all their power in the struggle. It is not just Liu Yunshan, but also party henchmen like Zhao Benshan. I feel that since Jan. 3 when Jiang climbed Dongshan’s ridge to the current (discovery) of the Liu Yunshan incident, they have reached a critical phase. Will Xi make a big move for his next step? There have been rumours that bigger tigers than Zhou Yongkang would fall. If the tiger is bigger than Zhou, he must be a current member of the Politburo Standing Committee, or either Zeng Qinghong or Jiang Zemin.
According to reports, the “chief" of the 3 main mouthpiece organizations including Xinhua News Agency, People’s Daily and CCP Ministry of Culture have all been replaced on the 31st December last year.
However, Xi Jinping announced at the fifth plenary session of the 18th CCDI (Discipline Inspection) of CCP on Jan. 13 that anti-corruption has yet to achieve a thorough victory. Current affairs commentator Xing Tianxing pointed out that this speech and Xi’s earlier speech on how the anti-corruption campaign has no limits are clear indications that Xi Jinping has poised his spear at Jiang Zemin.
Interview/ChenHui Edit/ChenJie
